華沙的位置從根本上說是有爭議的。有許多地方被認為是任意編譯的盒子堆(Crowley和Reid, 2002)。75%的辦公室位於市中心以外的地區。在20世紀90年代後期，由於市場的無能力、投資者不足和資本損失，新建和重新設計的辦公空間減少(Dunford, 2005)。華沙對波蘭經濟體系的嚴重沖擊，導致了零售業的迅速崛起。投資者不再投資於新建和開發的辦公場所，而是開始投資於零售業務部門(Manser, 1993)。這些企業大多是小型和微型企業，但數量龐大。零售業的迅猛發展改變了發展的形態。然後，新千年出現了一種新的規劃思維。大型購物中心開始興建。這些中心的目的是為波蘭經濟作出貢獻。但這些都建在遠離市中心的地區。因此，我們別無選擇，只能在人口密集的沃拉和莫托等地區建立這些中心(休斯和基廷，2003)。這些購物中心甚至包括電影院等娛樂設施。這些購物中心擁有巨大的零售空間和大量的投資。這一發展見證了阿卡迪亞購物中心的建設，這是波蘭中部最大的購物中心。
The location of the Warsaw is fundamentally disputed and conjugated. There are many places that are considered as arbitrarily compiled piles of boxes (Crowley and Reid, 2002). 75 percent of the offices are located outside the region of the city centre. During the years of late 1990s, construction and redesigning of newer office spaces decreased because of the incapacity, investor deficiency, and capital loss in the market (Dunford, 2005). Heavy impact of Warsaw upon the economy system of Poland resulted in the emergence of retail sectors that grew up rapidly. Investors stopped investing in the construction of new and developed office spaces, and started to invest in retail business sectors (Manser, 1993). Most of them were small and micro sectors, but their numbers were huge. The radical growth of retail business changed the shape of development. Then, the new millennium saw a new thinking of planning. Big and huge shopping centres were started to be built. These centres were intended to contribute to the Polish economy. But these were built in areas that were out of the location of city centre. As a result, there were no choices but to build these centres in areas like Wola and Mokotow which were densely populated (Hughes and Keating, 2003). These shopping centres even included recreational facilities like cinema halls. The malls had huge retail spaces and large volumes for investment. This development saw the building of Arkadia, the biggest shopping mall in the heart of Poland.
However, the authorities are no longer in readily possession of the land. The land being confiscated in 1945 by the authorities led to the claims of restitution by the owners who originally owned those lands or their heirs. As a result, the activities of the buildings had to be concentrated on the city centre’s west.
Therefore, at the expense of the improvement of the actual city centre, the expansion with the help of new buildings came up to the west of the city centre. This has taken place despite the advantages that would have been offered by a condensed urban structure (Sokol, 2001). Moreover, the neighbourhood’s surroundings have not been considered when the new buildings were designed. The small houses have adjacent buildings that are high rises with the consequent impact of shadows looming over the residential areas of the neighbourhood. These buildings have interfering characteristics that poke its nose into residential systems.
因此，這種增長進入了華沙的中心。第一家購物中心建於市中心，於2004年向公眾開放。然後，Zlote Terasy於2007年在靠近中央車站的一個方便而顯眼的位置開業。像Zlote Terasy這樣的購物中心是由Jerde Partnership這樣的公司創新設計的。這些公司大多由荷蘭國際集團(ING Real Estate Group)等外國投資公司提供資金。商場被稱為獨立的區域，幾乎沒有任何聯系或潛在的與鄰近地區的聯系(Baan, Kempen & Vermeulen, 2005)。這些設施包括便於通行的街道設施。但它惡化了公共生活的質量和水平，在它逐步減少公共空間(Andrusz, Harloe & Szenelyi, 1996)。這些購物中心模擬了城市生活，但卻給公眾生活帶來了災難。20世紀90年代，華沙市政府鼓勵外資集團進行零售投資。它們吸引了許多零售企業，並賦予它們建設更多購物中心的空間，從而推動了城市的發展。他們忽略了任何可能的負面結果(Altvater, 1993)。但是，這個國家的小型零售部門抗議這樣的政策。他們得到了許多與環境保護、政治擴張、小企業等有關的團體的支持。周邊地區的人們也開始意識到公共生活的退化。
Consequently, this growth entered the centre of Warsaw. The first shopping mall that was built in the heart of the city centre was opened to the public in 2004. Then, Zlote Terasy was opened in 2007 at a convenient and prominent location near the central station. Malls like Zlote Terasy were designed innovatively by companies like The Jerde Partnership. These were mostly financed by foreign investing companies like ING Real Estate Group. The malls were termed as self contained areas that had almost no link or potential connection with the neighbourhood areas (Baan, Kempen & Vermeulen, 2005). They included street like facilities for convenient through traffic. But it worsened the quality and level of public life at it progressively decreased public spaces (Andrusz, Harloe & Szenelyi, 1996).The malls simulated urban life but they emerged as a disaster for public life. During the years of 1990s, the retail investment of foreign groups was encouraged by Warsaw city administration. They fuelled this urban development by attracting many retail companies and giving them the scope to build more shopping malls. They neglected any possible negative outcome (Altvater, 1993). But, small retail sectors of the country protested against such policies. They were supported by many groups that were related to environmental protection, political expansion, small business etc. People of surrounding areas also started to become aware of the degradation of public life.